Alan Johnston called to order a computer and ran into trouble explaining where it should be delivered. He had a home in West Virginia and an electricity connection, but his road had no name and his house no number. Customer service struggled to understand; the electricity company had to help confirm that he really lived there. When a new delivery driver could not find him, he had to drive to a nearby town to collect parcels.
Deirdre Mask begins The Address Book with this visit. Nothing spectacular happens, yet a usually unasked question emerges: living somewhere and having an address recognized by others are not the same thing. The house exists, the telephone works, but a missing line of standardized text can prevent business from proceeding.
Published in 2020 and translated into Chinese by Xu Ping and Tan Xinmu in 2022, the book follows numbers and street names across countries. Mask, trained in law before becoming a writer, asks how cities locate people and how an address comes to summarize them. Street-name curiosities lead into poverty, state administration, and racial history. An address becomes difficult to regard merely as a convenient means of receiving letters.
Trouble in the Empty Box
Johnston was not homeless. In dealing with local people he did not constantly need standardized text; landmarks were enough for someone who knew the terrain. Trouble arose when that familiarity could not be handed to a distant company or an unfamiliar driver. A formal address enables strangers to find each other without first joining a local network.
Assigning numbers therefore does more than label an existing life. It may improve access to services previously difficult to obtain. Yet once an address becomes a default condition, its absence creates further obstacles. A device for finding people becomes a test of whether they can conduct their affairs at all.
Mask's account of Kolkata follows people for whom this threshold is harder to cross. Long-term residents of informal settlements may lack recognized addresses and face barriers to opening bank accounts. The formal status of housing or a street's registration falls out of alignment with residents' needs to save money and obtain services.
This could be compressed into a promise that giving poor people addresses will end poverty. The book's value lies instead in revealing particular obstacles. An address cannot replace income or make unsafe housing safe. But if an application cannot even be submitted, other capacities may be difficult to exercise. Removing one barrier does not promise an obstacle-free world beyond it.
Uses must therefore be examined separately. Deliveries require locating a building; banks need identity checks; assistance organizations need to contact people. These purposes overlap without necessarily requiring identical proof. Forms seem simple when our own lives happen to fit them. Mask preserves the cases that do not fit, making an empty box harder to blame on an uncooperative applicant.
A House Number Can Also Guide the Recruiter
An uninterrupted celebration of registration would miss the other half of the book. Why might someone not want to be found? From a delivery service's perspective, refusal of numbering looks stubborn. Change the visitor, and the situation changes.
Mask discusses Habsburg Austria in the book and elaborates in an interview with 99% Invisible. Maria Theresa needed soldiers; officials numbered houses while surveying inhabitants. Numbers helped locate people eligible for recruitment. Resistance cannot therefore be understood merely as discomfort with novelty.
Information useful to a postman is useful to a military recruiter. A number does not decide who may use it or what follows from its use. A measure of concealment previously supplied by distance, terrain, and local familiarity was altered by numbers written on walls. Something ordinary becomes involved in whether a person can evade a demand.
That does not make the unnumbered past freer in every respect. Missing public services and being unreachable in an emergency can also mean powerlessness. Juxtaposing these circumstances prevents “being seen” from functioning as unconditional praise. Who sees, and for what purpose? Can those concerned know how information will be used, and correct an error?
House-number history thus reaches beyond antiquarian interest. More precise location data can reduce confusion without deciding who should receive access. The book later discusses digital positioning. Replacing names with coordinates or codes does not automatically resolve earlier questions. Locating a body is not itself a reason to possess every detail of its life.
Whom Does a Street Commemorate?
An address also requires people to repeat a name. It appears on envelopes, identification, job applications, directions, and introductions. A passing visitor sees a sign. A resident encounters language difficult to avoid.
The book recounts a renaming dispute in Hollywood, Florida. Streets named for Confederate generals included routes through Black neighborhoods. Advocates wanted everyday addresses to stop commemorating defenders of slavery. Forrest, Lee, and Hood were subsequently replaced by Freedom, Liberty, and Hope.
Calling this a disagreement between people who prefer old names and people who prefer new ones makes it sound like taste. Retaining names in public space already selects whom to honor. Someone who finds a name unimportant may never have felt excluded by it; repeating it can mean something quite different to another resident.
Renaming does not end with a meeting. Hollywood's resolution records procedures and costs involving applications, signs, and mailed notifications. The city also arranged help for affected residents to update their driver's-license addresses without charge. These inconspicuous tasks deserve attention alongside the new words. Otherwise, a public declaration of respect can leave residents doing all the extra running around.
There is a practical distance between replacing a sign and replacing documentation. We can support different commemorations while asking how changes are completed, communicated, and paid for. A worthy purpose does not make procedure irrelevant; procedural difficulty does not make the old arrangement permanent.
Mask is attentive to such places. She does not merely report that a street changed its name. She shows public life being changed by people unwilling to treat a sign as inevitable. Argument takes time, but also lets opinions buried by habit become audible.
An Address Obtained, Another Barrier Encountered
Even obtaining text that fits the form does not end every difficulty. Addresses imply wealth, ethnicity, and status. Information sought to contact someone can quickly become supposed knowledge of what kind of person they are.
In interviews, Mask discusses employment applications. People without stable housing already face difficulties finding work; the address box may exclude them at the outset. Listing a shelter can shape an employer's judgment before any assessment of skills. The “Ban the Address” proposal she mentions considers omitting addresses in early recruitment to reduce such filtering. This is a proposal for changing procedure, not a universally enacted rule.
The book moves from supplying addresses to asking when they should carry less weight. For delivery, an address helps locate a door. For recruitment, it need not reveal competence. If purposes are not distinguished, the same information circulates everywhere, and residents of stigmatized neighborhoods must repeatedly answer for a district's reputation.
Employers are not alone in doing this. House prices, reported crime, and impressions of schools readily become a sentence about “the people there.” The Address Book interrupts that shorthand. A street name may come from a long-dead namer, a housing choice from rent constraints; today's resident bears the accumulated associations.
Its range runs from ancient ways of navigating cities to contemporary technology, repeatedly changing scene. Readers seeking street-name anecdotes will find much beyond them. Readers interested in ordinary procedures and opportunities may discover that apparent digressions connect. Whether houses have numbers, what streets are called, and how residents are perceived pose distinct difficulties.
The computer customer at the beginning and the hesitant job applicant at the end consequently ask for different things. One wants a driver to locate him precisely; the other wants an employer to assess ability first. Information essential in one setting need not be compulsory in another. The book gives us reason to look twice at an ordinary form: is this question helping accomplish the task, or adding a barrier unrelated to it?