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Public space, care & everyday encounters公共空间、关心与日常相遇公共空間、關心與日常相遇

Palaces for the People: Somewhere to Meet

《没有人是一座孤岛》:人总得有个地方见面

《沒有人是一座孤島》:人總得有個地方見面

Older bowlers compete on a library screen. Eric Klinenberg follows the places and everyday work that allow neighbors to know one another, and to be noticed when they need help.

图书馆里的老年保龄球队也想赢。克林南柏格从这些具体的地方出发,追问人们怎样有机会彼此认识,以及谁在维持这些相遇。

圖書館裡的老年保齡球隊也想贏。克林南柏格從這些具體的地方出發,追問人們怎樣有機會彼此認識,以及誰在維持這些相遇。

Eric Klinenberg · Sociology · Urban life社会学 · 城市生活社會學 · 城市生活

Original publication原作首版原作首版 · Crown

Han Qin (秦汉) · Guide published导读发布導讀發佈

Based on author interviews and public essays, library records, publisher information, and selected reader criticism, not a complete reading or a claim to have read an original book excerpt. The Chinese edition, translated by 吴炜声, was published by 臉譜 in 2021. This is not emergency-response advice.

本文依据作者访谈与公开文章、图书馆记录、出版资料及个别读者批评,未通读全书,也不声称已读原书节选。吴炜声译《沒有人是一座孤島:運用「社會性基礎設施」扭轉公民社會的失溫與淡漠》由脸谱于2021年出版。本文不是灾害应对指南。

本文依據作者訪談與公開文章、圖書館記錄、出版資料及個別讀者批評,未通讀全書,也不聲稱已讀原書節選。吳煒聲譯《沒有人是一座孤島:運用「社會性基礎設施」扭轉公民社會的失溫與淡漠》由臉譜於2021年出版。本文不是災害應對指南。

A group of older people arrives at the library wearing team shirts, ready to take on a team from another branch. They are competing in a bowling tournament, although the lanes are on a screen and the equipment is a motion-controlled video game. The library has no bowling alley. It has nevertheless organized a league with regular meetings, opponents, and matches to win or lose.

Sociologist Eric Klinenberg encountered this program, Library Lanes, while visiting Brooklyn libraries. He still sounds excited when he describes it in an interview. At a match in the East New York neighborhood, he watched a group of older players come from behind in the closing rounds. He found it as thrilling as the sporting events he usually watched.

It is easy to call this an enrichment activity for older adults. That is not wrong, but it makes the participants sound much quieter than they are. They want to win. They have teammates and another match to anticipate. Growing older need not mean simply needing company. People may also want a contest, and to be recognized for their abilities and temperament rather than only as someone awaiting care.

Palaces for the People explores how opportunities for such encounters arise. Libraries are among its most vivid examples, but its reach extends to schools, parks, religious institutions, and urban projects intended to help communities withstand disaster. Klinenberg calls the places and institutions that shape our interactions “social infrastructure.” The term sounds technical. The underlying question is ordinary: if we want people to care about one another, how many opportunities do they usually have to become acquainted?

The neighborhoods were different before the heat arrived

Klinenberg’s investigation began with a disaster.

A severe heat wave struck Chicago in 1995, killing more than seven hundred people. His research found that impoverished, highly segregated neighborhoods often suffered terrible losses. Yet some neighborhoods with similar socioeconomic conditions had markedly lower death tolls. Income alone could not tell him how vulnerable a place was.

Some neighborhoods retained active commercial and public life. People had places to go and regularly encountered one another outside. Elsewhere, vacant buildings multiplied, streets deteriorated, and ordinary interactions dwindled. Living alone meant different things in these environments. Having a household of one did not necessarily mean lacking acquaintances; having many people nearby did not guarantee that anyone knew how one was doing.

The heat wave abruptly made these ordinarily inconspicuous differences matters of life and death. It led Klinenberg to look beyond the few days of disaster toward the longer history of daily life: what had happened to these neighborhoods, why people stayed home, and where they could go if they went out.

Seen this way, care is not entirely a moral choice made at the moment of crisis. To knock on a door, we usually need some idea of who lives behind it. To ask why someone has not come today, there must first be somewhere we normally meet. A building cannot manufacture neighborly affection. Some arrangements nevertheless allow it to accumulate, while others make every contact an effort.

Appeals to look after older people living alone can overlook this layer. The appeal is sound. But if walkable destinations keep disappearing and familiar neighbors keep moving away, urging individuals to be kinder cannot easily restore lost everyday connections. Cooling, electricity, and emergency assistance remain essential. The book adds that safety also depends on how readily a person is noticed in ordinary life.

You can sit without buying anything

The title Palaces for the People draws on Andrew Carnegie’s description of public libraries. The Chinese edition emphasizes the connections between people. The English title first directs attention to a building: who is allowed inside, and for whom are its good things provided?

That question connects directly with the bowling league. An invitation alone may not get someone who is usually at home alone to venture out. The destination ideally does not require an existing circle of friends, a talent for starting conversations, or a purchase every time one sits down. Being able to return regularly determines whether today’s encounter can become next week’s greeting.

Klinenberg tells an amusing story about the book’s origins. After Hurricane Sandy, he took part in reconstruction design work. Designers proposed a place open to different kinds of residents, staffed by people who could organize children’s activities and provide internet access. It was a good proposal. He pointed out, however, that many communities already had such a place: a library.

The story is funny and a little rueful. When a service has existed for a long time, we may remember only its most obvious function and assume that a library is simply somewhere to borrow books. Imagining afresh a public place where everyone can comfortably stay, we discover that supposedly old-fashioned institutions have long been doing this work.

Free access means more than saving money. It means people need not first establish themselves as customers worth welcoming. Ordering a drink in a café is an ordinary transaction. If someone has nowhere else to go outside their home, however, that drink becomes more than a drink: it is an admission ticket to public life.

Our measures of a library’s value change accordingly. Loans and events still deserve counting. But a child can wait safely for a parent, someone temporarily out of work can use the internet to seek information, and an older person can encounter familiar faces. These less tidy needs are also reasons for the institution to exist.

There need not even be an outcome worth telling a story about. Someone browses a magazine, sits for a while, and goes home. There should be room for that afternoon too. Public services that welcome only people able to demonstrate progress, achievement, or gratitude exclude a great many ordinary days.

An open door needs people to sustain it

The book’s affection for libraries can nevertheless make it easy to overlook the strain within them.

In a later Chicago Public Library interview, Klinenberg recalls both the dignity with which staff treated visitors and the aging buildings, broken bathrooms, and demands beyond what the institutions were equipped to meet. People without homes needed warmth. Children without after-school activities needed somewhere to go. Adults in difficult circumstances needed help. Many problems arrived at the door that was still open.

For visitors, that open door matters. For the staff inside, praise alone is not enough. This also reveals another side to the bowling game: someone must prepare equipment, organize the event, and attend to different participants’ needs. A place often feels easy to be in because someone is doing difficult work behind the scenes.

A beautiful new building cannot fulfill its design if opening hours and staff are subsequently cut. When we praise public spaces for treating people with respect, the people maintaining them must count too. They need reasonable working conditions and support when difficulties arise, rather than an expectation that continual extra effort will fill every gap in public services.

The book’s optimism has also met criticism. Goodreads reviewer Aja argues that its discussion of shared life does not adequately address racial oppression and the power behind it. Her objection is sharp, but points to something cheerful scenes cannot settle: who has persistently lacked these facilities, and who decided how resources should be distributed?

This is not to say the book ignores segregation or inequality. A more useful question is how much improving the conditions for meeting can change existing inequalities, and what else requires attention. Klinenberg himself warns in another interview that neighborhood improvements can raise living costs and force existing residents out, damaging the very social connections an improved environment might have supported.

The success of a public place therefore cannot be judged only by its appearance or popularity after construction. Can the people who lived here before still use it? If those who most needed it can no longer remain, the new prosperity cannot readily be counted as theirs.

You can meet people, or quietly stay

Some readers may hesitate at this point. They understand why neighborly relationships matter, but do not want every outing to become an assignment to talk with strangers.

That is not a rejection of public life. Often we simply want to be alone where other people are present: neither shut inside our homes nor obliged to join a conversation. A park bench or a corner of a reading room can meet this difficult-to-classify need.

The interviewer on 99% Invisible raises a similar question. Klinenberg does not urge everyone to become more outgoing. He points out that libraries can provide collective activities while also preserving places for solitude. A good public space can accommodate both.

This makes the book more than an argument for cohesive communities. It offers a chance to reconsider what welcoming someone means. A welcome need not prescribe how a person should behave once inside. Someone wants to compete, another wants to read, and someone who feels talkative today may not tomorrow. The place remains available. Acceptance need not be withdrawn because a visitor is not sociable on a particular occasion.

The book develops through investigations and examples from different places, rather than offering instructions that will reliably rebuild a community. Its audience need not be limited to readers interested in urban planning. Anyone who has wondered why life among so many nearby residents can still feel like a set of unrelated lines will find questions worth pursuing in these accounts of libraries, neighborhoods, and public facilities.

Klinenberg shows that relationships need goodwill, but also time, places, and people doing sustained work. The bowling match need not bear the burden of saving society. Giving a group somewhere to go, with another occasion to look forward to, is already something a city should take seriously.

一群老年人到图书馆去,穿着队服,准备和另一家分馆的队伍较量。他们参加的是保龄球比赛,不过球道在屏幕上,使用的是体感游戏设备。图书馆里没有摆下真正的保龄球馆,却办起了有固定活动时间、有对手、也有胜负的联赛。

这是社会学家克林南柏格在布鲁克林走访时看到的活动,叫作 Library Lanes。他在访谈中谈起它,语气仍很兴奋。在当地东纽约街区的一场比赛里,他看着一群年长的选手在最后几轮反败为胜,觉得精彩程度不输自己平时看的体育赛事。

我们很容易用“丰富老年生活”概括这种活动。这样的说法当然没错,只是把里面的人写得太安静了。他们来这里,也想赢,也有队友,也有下次比赛要惦记。年老以后,并不只是需要有人陪,还可能需要一点较劲的兴致,需要在别人眼里有本领、有脾气,而不只是一个等待照顾的人。

《没有人是一座孤岛》写的,正是这些相处怎样有了发生的机会。图书馆是其中最鲜活的一部分,书的视野还伸向学校、公园、宗教场所,以及应对灾害的城市建设。克林南柏格把这些影响人们如何来往的场所和机构,称为“社会基础设施”。这个词听起来有些硬,书里的问题却很日常:如果希望人们彼此关心,平常究竟给了他们多少认识彼此的机会?

热浪来临以前,街区已经不一样了

克林南柏格对这个问题的追索,始于一场灾难。

1995年,芝加哥遭遇严重热浪,七百多人死亡。他在调查中发现,贫困和种族隔离严重的街区往往伤亡惨重,但也有社会经济状况相近的街区,伤亡却明显较轻。不能只看收入,就以为已经知道了一个地方有多脆弱。

他注意到,有些街区仍有活跃的商业和公共生活,人们有地方可去,也经常在外面碰面;另一些地方则空屋增多,街道衰败,日常来往不断减少。独居发生在这两种环境里,含义并不一样。一个人住,不一定意味着生活中没有熟人;周围住着许多人,也不一定有人知道自己的近况。

热浪使这些平时不易察觉的差别,突然变得关乎生死。克林南柏格由此把目光从灾难发生的几天,移向更长久的日常:街区这些年经历了什么,人为什么留在家里,出门以后又能去哪里。

沿着这个思路看,关心并不完全是危急时刻临时作出的道德选择。我们想去敲一扇门,往往得先知道门后住着谁;想问一句今天怎么没来,也得先有一个平常会见面的地方。邻里的情分固然不能由建筑直接造出来,但有些生活安排会使它慢慢积累,另一些则会让每一次接触都变得费事。

这也是“多关心独居老人”之类呼吁容易略过的一层。话没有错,可若附近能步行抵达的去处越来越少,原来的熟人陆续搬走,仅靠提醒个人热心一点,很难补回已经散掉的日常联系。防暑、供电、救援当然不能少;这本书让人多看见的是,安全也与一个人平时是否容易被别人看见有关。

不买东西,也可以坐一会儿

英文书名 Palaces for the People,大致可以译作“普通人的宫殿”。它借用了卡内基谈论公共图书馆时的说法。中文译名把重心放在人与人的联系上,英文则先指向一栋建筑:谁可以走进去,里面的好东西又是为谁准备的。

这与保龄球活动有着直接的关系。让一个原本独自在家的人出门,并不是发出邀请就够了。他要去的地方,最好不要求他先有一群朋友,不必擅长主动搭话,也不至于每次坐下来都得掏钱。能不能经常来,决定了今天的一次碰面,是否还有机会成为下周的一声招呼。

谈到这本书的缘起,克林南柏格讲过一件趣事。飓风“桑迪”过后,他参与灾后重建设计工作。有设计者提出,要建一种向各类居民开放、配有工作人员、能安排儿童活动和提供上网服务的场所。这个设想很好,他却提醒对方:许多社区其实已经有这样的地方,叫作图书馆。

这个故事好笑,也让人有一点感慨。一项服务存在得太久,我们可能只记得它最显眼的用途,以为图书馆无非是借书的地方。等到重新设想一处能让大家安心停留的公共空间,才发现那些看起来陈旧的机构,原来一直在做这些工作。

免费在这里不只是省下一笔钱。更重要的是,人不必先证明自己是个值得招待的顾客。进咖啡馆点一杯饮料,是很普通的事情;但如果一个人在住处之外找不到别的落脚点,那杯饮料就不只是饮料,也成了他留在公共生活中的门票。

由此再想图书馆,衡量它的办法也会改变。借出了多少本书、举办了多少场活动,仍然值得统计;可是一个孩子能安心待到家长来接,一个暂时失业的人有地方上网找资料,一个老人出门后能遇见熟面孔,这些不那么整齐的需要,同样是它存在的理由。

甚至不必每次都有值得讲述的收获。一个人来翻几页杂志,坐了一会儿,又回家了,这样的下午也应当有地方容纳。公共服务若只愿意接待那些能展示进步、成果或感激的人,就把许多普通日子挡在了门外。

门开着,还得有人把日子撑起来

不过,这本书对图书馆的热爱,也容易使读者忽略其中的劳累。

克林南柏格后来在芝加哥公共图书馆的访谈中回忆,走访时既看见了馆员怎样郑重对待来访者,也看见了设施老化、卫生间损坏,以及超出原有准备的服务需求。无家可归的人需要避寒,缺少课后活动的孩子需要去处,处境艰难的成年人需要帮助。许多问题最后都来到了这扇仍然开着的门前。

对来访者而言,门开着很重要;对里面的工作人员而言,却不能只有一句赞美。这也使开头那场保龄球比赛显出了另一面:设备要准备,活动要安排,参加者的不同需要要有人留意。一个地方能够轻松相处,往往是因为有人在背后做着并不轻松的事。

若只修一栋漂亮的新楼,往后却不断缩短开放时间、减少工作人员,再动人的设计也难以兑现。当我们赞美公共空间使人得到尊重时,也该把维持它的人算进去。他们需要合理的工作条件,需要遇到困难时有人支持,而不应靠不断额外付出,去填补所有服务的缺口。

书中的乐观也并非没有争议。Goodreads 上的读者 Aja 就认为,作者谈论共同生活时,对种族压迫及其背后的权力交代得不够。她的意见很尖锐,却提醒我们注意一个不能靠热闹场面略过的问题:哪些人一直缺少这样的设施,又是谁决定了资源怎样分配?

这不等于说书里没有讨论隔离和不平等。更值得带着读下去的问题是,改善相遇的条件,能够改变多少原有的不平等,又有哪些事情仍需另外解决。克林南柏格本人在另一篇访谈中也提醒,如果街区改造推高了生活成本,使原来的居民被迫离开,环境改善反而可能损伤原有的社会联系。

所以,公共空间的成败,不能只看建成以后漂不漂亮、人气旺不旺。还得接着问:以前住在这里的人,能不能继续使用它?如果最需要这个地方的人最后留不下来,新的繁荣也就不能轻易算作他们的收获。

可以认识别人,也可以安静地待着

读到这里,有些人或许会迟疑:我理解邻里关系的重要,但也不想每次出门,都承担和陌生人交谈的任务。

这并不是对公共生活的拒绝。很多时候,我们只是想在有人活动的地方独处,不必关在家里,也不必加入任何一桌谈话。公园里的一张长椅、阅览室的一角,恰好能满足这种不太容易归类的需要。

在《99% Invisible》的访谈中,主持人就向克林南柏格提出了相近的疑问。他的回答不是劝大家更外向,而是指出,图书馆既能提供共同活动,也能留出让人安静独处的角落。一个好的公共场所,可以同时容纳这两种生活。

这一点让我觉得,这本书不只是关于怎样让社区更团结。它还提供了一个机会,让我们重新想想“欢迎”是什么。欢迎一个人,不等于预先替他决定来了以后应该怎样表现。有人愿意参加比赛,有人只想看书,还有人今天很想说话,明天却没有这个心情。地方仍然在那里,不必因为他这一次不合群,就收回对他的接纳。

全书以不同地方的调查和案例展开,并不是一套照着执行便能重建社区的操作手册。它最适合的读者,也不限于关心城市规划的人。只要曾经纳闷过,为什么附近住了那么多人,生活却仍像互不相干的几条线,就能从这些图书馆、街区和公共设施的故事里,找到值得继续追问的线索。

克林南柏格让我们看见,关系需要人的心意,也需要时间、场所,以及长期做事的人。那场保龄球比赛不必承担拯救社会的重任。让一群人有地方去,去了还有下一次可盼,本身就值得一座城市认真对待。

一群老年人到圖書館去,穿著隊服,準備和另一家分館的隊伍較量。他們參加的是保齡球比賽,不過球道在螢幕上,使用的是體感遊戲設備。圖書館裡沒有擺下真正的保齡球館,卻辦起了有固定活動時間、有對手、也有勝負的聯賽。

這是社會學家克林南柏格在布魯克林走訪時看到的活動,叫作 Library Lanes。他在訪談中談起它,語氣仍很興奮。在當地東紐約街區的一場比賽裡,他看著一群年長的選手在最後幾輪反敗為勝,覺得精彩程度不輸自己平時看的體育賽事。

我們很容易用「豐富老年生活」概括這種活動。這樣的說法當然沒錯,只是把裡面的人寫得太安靜了。他們來這裡,也想贏,也有隊友,也有下次比賽要惦記。年老以後,並不只是需要有人陪,還可能需要一點較勁的興致,需要在別人眼裡有本領、有脾氣,而不只是一個等待照顧的人。

《沒有人是一座孤島》寫的,正是這些相處怎樣有了發生的機會。圖書館是其中最鮮活的一部分,書的視野還伸向學校、公園、宗教場所,以及應對災害的城市建設。克林南柏格把這些影響人們如何來往的場所和機構,稱為「社會基礎設施」。這個詞聽起來有些硬,書裡的問題卻很日常:如果希望人們彼此關心,平常究竟給了他們多少認識彼此的機會?

熱浪來臨以前,街區已經不一樣了

克林南柏格對這個問題的追索,始於一場災難。

1995年,芝加哥遭遇嚴重熱浪,七百多人死亡。他在調查中發現,貧困和種族隔離嚴重的街區往往傷亡慘重,但也有社會經濟狀況相近的街區,傷亡卻明顯較輕。不能只看收入,就以為已經知道了一個地方有多脆弱。

他注意到,有些街區仍有活躍的商業和公共生活,人們有地方可去,也經常在外面碰面;另一些地方則空屋增多,街道衰敗,日常來往不斷減少。獨居發生在這兩種環境裡,含義並不一樣。一個人住,不一定意味著生活中沒有熟人;周圍住著許多人,也不一定有人知道自己的近況。

熱浪使這些平時不易察覺的差別,突然變得關乎生死。克林南柏格由此把目光從災難發生的幾天,移向更長久的日常:街區這些年經歷了什麼,人為什麼留在家裡,出門以後又能去哪裡。

沿著這個思路看,關心並不完全是危急時刻臨時作出的道德選擇。我們想去敲一扇門,往往得先知道門後住著誰;想問一句今天怎麼沒來,也得先有一個平常會見面的地方。鄰裡的情分固然不能由建築直接造出來,但有些生活安排會使它慢慢積累,另一些則會讓每一次接觸都變得費事。

這也是「多關心獨居老人」之類呼籲容易略過的一層。話沒有錯,可若附近能步行抵達的去處越來越少,原來的熟人陸續搬走,僅靠提醒個人熱心一點,很難補回已經散掉的日常聯繫。防暑、供電、救援當然不能少;這本書讓人多看見的是,安全也與一個人平時是否容易被別人看見有關。

不買東西,也可以坐一會兒

英文書名 Palaces for the People,大致可以譯作「普通人的宮殿」。它借用了卡內基談論公共圖書館時的說法。中文譯名把重心放在人與人的聯繫上,英文則先指向一棟建築:誰可以走進去,裡面的好東西又是為誰準備的。

這與保齡球活動有著直接的關係。讓一個原本獨自在家的人出門,並不是發出邀請就夠了。他要去的地方,最好不要求他先有一群朋友,不必擅長主動搭話,也不至於每次坐下來都得掏錢。能不能經常來,決定了今天的一次碰面,是否還有機會成為下周的一聲招呼。

談到這本書的緣起,克林南柏格講過一件趣事。颶風「桑迪」過後,他參與災後重建設計工作。有設計者提出,要建一種向各類居民開放、配有工作人員、能安排兒童活動和提供上網服務的場所。這個設想很好,他卻提醒對方:許多社區其實已經有這樣的地方,叫作圖書館。

這個故事好笑,也讓人有一點感慨。一項服務存在得太久,我們可能只記得它最顯眼的用途,以為圖書館無非是借書的地方。等到重新設想一處能讓大家安心停留的公共空間,才發現那些看起來陳舊的機構,原來一直在做這些工作。

免費在這裡不只是省下一筆錢。更重要的是,人不必先證明自己是個值得招待的顧客。進咖啡館點一杯飲料,是很普通的事情;但如果一個人在住處之外找不到別的落腳點,那杯飲料就不只是飲料,也成了他留在公共生活中的門票。

由此再想圖書館,衡量它的辦法也會改變。借出了多少本書、舉辦了多少場活動,仍然值得統計;可是一個孩子能安心待到家長來接,一個暫時失業的人有地方上網找資料,一個老人出門後能遇見熟面孔,這些不那麼整齊的需要,同樣是它存在的理由。

甚至不必每次都有值得講述的收穫。一個人來翻幾頁雜誌,坐了一會兒,又回家了,這樣的下午也應當有地方容納。公共服務若只願意接待那些能展示進步、成果或感激的人,就把許多普通日子擋在了門外。

門開著,還得有人把日子撐起來

不過,這本書對圖書館的熱愛,也容易使讀者忽略其中的勞累。

克林南柏格後來在芝加哥公共圖書館的訪談中回憶,走訪時既看見了館員怎樣鄭重對待來訪者,也看見了設施老化、衛生間損壞,以及超出原有準備的服務需求。無家可歸的人需要避寒,缺少課後活動的孩子需要去處,處境艱難的成年人需要幫助。許多問題最後都來到了這扇仍然開著的門前。

對來訪者而言,門開著很重要;對裡面的工作人員而言,卻不能只有一句贊美。這也使開頭那場保齡球比賽顯出了另一面:設備要準備,活動要安排,參加者的不同需要要有人留意。一個地方能夠輕鬆相處,往往是因為有人在背後做著並不輕鬆的事。

若只修一棟漂亮的新樓,往後卻不斷縮短開放時間、減少工作人員,再動人的設計也難以兌現。當我們贊美公共空間使人得到尊重時,也該把維持它的人算進去。他們需要合理的工作條件,需要遇到困難時有人支持,而不應靠不斷額外付出,去填補所有服務的缺口。

書中的樂觀也並非沒有爭議。Goodreads 上的讀者 Aja 就認為,作者談論共同生活時,對種族壓迫及其背後的權力交代得不夠。她的意見很尖銳,卻提醒我們注意一個不能靠熱鬧場面略過的問題:哪些人一直缺少這樣的設施,又是誰決定了資源怎樣分配?

這不等於說書裡沒有討論隔離和不平等。更值得帶著讀下去的問題是,改善相遇的條件,能夠改變多少原有的不平等,又有哪些事情仍需另外解決。克林南柏格本人在另一篇訪談中也提醒,如果街區改造推高了生活成本,使原來的居民被迫離開,環境改善反而可能損傷原有的社會聯繫。

所以,公共空間的成敗,不能只看建成以後漂不漂亮、人氣旺不旺。還得接著問:以前住在這裡的人,能不能繼續使用它?如果最需要這個地方的人最後留不下來,新的繁榮也就不能輕易算作他們的收穫。

可以認識別人,也可以安靜地待著

讀到這裡,有些人或許會遲疑:我理解鄰裡關係的重要,但也不想每次出門,都承擔和陌生人交談的任務。

這並不是對公共生活的拒絕。很多時候,我們只是想在有人活動的地方獨處,不必關在家裡,也不必加入任何一桌談話。公園裡的一張長椅、閱覽室的一角,恰好能滿足這種不太容易歸類的需要。

在《99% Invisible》的訪談中,主持人就向克林南柏格提出了相近的疑問。他的回答不是勸大家更外向,而是指出,圖書館既能提供共同活動,也能留出讓人安靜獨處的角落。一個好的公共場所,可以同時容納這兩種生活。

這一點讓我覺得,這本書不只是關於怎樣讓社區更團結。它還提供了一個機會,讓我們重新想想「歡迎」是什麼。歡迎一個人,不等於預先替他決定來了以後應該怎樣表現。有人願意參加比賽,有人只想看書,還有人今天很想說話,明天卻沒有這個心情。地方仍然在那裡,不必因為他這一次不合群,就收回對他的接納。

全書以不同地方的調查和案例展開,並不是一套照著執行便能重建社區的操作手冊。它最適合的讀者,也不限於關心城市規劃的人。只要曾經納悶過,為什麼附近住了那麼多人,生活卻仍像互不相干的幾條線,就能從這些圖書館、街區和公共設施的故事裡,找到值得繼續追問的線索。

克林南柏格讓我們看見,關係需要人的心意,也需要時間、場所,以及長期做事的人。那場保齡球比賽不必承擔拯救社會的重任。讓一群人有地方去,去了還有下一次可盼,本身就值得一座城市認真對待。

Sources & further reading出处与延伸阅读出處與延伸閱讀

Library Lanes is checked against Brooklyn Public Library’s own record; East New York names a Brooklyn neighborhood. The heat-wave discussion does not make social contact a substitute for cooling or emergency services. Later interviews provide the staffing and rebuilding examples. Aja’s critique is an individual Goodreads response; no Amazon consensus is claimed.

Library Lanes与布鲁克林公共图书馆记录核对;东纽约指布鲁克林的街区。热浪讨论不把社会联系当作降温与救援的替代品。馆员工作与灾后重建的例子来自相关访谈。Aja的批评为Goodreads个别意见,不声称取得Amazon共识。

Library Lanes與布魯克林公共圖書館記錄核對;東紐約指布魯克林的街區。熱浪討論不把社會聯繫當作降溫與救援的替代品。館員工作與災後重建的例子來自相關訪談。Aja的批評為Goodreads個別意見,不聲稱取得Amazon共識。

Follow the links for the original passages and fuller discussions. Distinguish the author’s account, later research, and this introduction’s own questions.

外链提供原作段落与更完整的讨论。阅读时请区分作者的叙述、后来的研究,以及本文继续提出的问题。

外鏈提供原作段落與更完整的討論。閱讀時請區分作者的敘述、後來的研究,以及本文繼續提出的問題。

Author conversation作者访谈作者訪談

99% Invisible — Palaces for the People ↗

Library bowling, neighborhood life, and room for solitude in shared spaces.

图书馆保龄球、街区生活,以及公共场所里的独处空间。

圖書館保齡球、街區生活,以及公共場所裡的獨處空間。

Author conversation作者访谈作者訪談

Brooklyn Public Library — Reopening, Reimagining ↗

The library’s conversation connecting the program and the book.

图书馆访谈说明相关活动与本书的联系。

圖書館訪談說明相關活動與本書的聯繫。

Author conversation作者访谈作者訪談

Rebuild by Design — Eric Klinenberg ↗

Heat-wave research, infrastructure, and risks of displacement following improvements.

热浪研究、基础设施与环境改善后的迁离风险。

熱浪研究、基礎設施與環境改善後的遷離風險。

Author conversation作者访谈作者訪談

Chicago Public Library — Library for the People ↗

The labor, facilities, and unmet demands behind an open library door.

图书馆敞开大门背后的劳动、设施与未被满足的需求。

圖書館敞開大門背後的勞動、設施與未被滿足的需求。

Publication details出版资料出版資料

Crown — Palaces for the People ↗

Original publication details and the publisher’s introduction, not claimed as a read book excerpt.

原版书目与出版社介绍,不冒充已读原书节选。

原版書目與出版社介紹,不冒充已讀原書節選。

Publication details出版资料出版資料

臉譜 — 沒有人是一座孤島 ↗

Traditional Chinese title, translation, and edition details.

繁体中文版书名、译者与版本信息。

繁體中文版書名、譯者與版本資訊。

Another reader’s view另一位读者的看法另一位讀者的看法

Goodreads — Aja’s reader response ↗

An individual critique of the treatment of racial oppression and power; the page is a changing review collection.

对种族压迫与权力问题处理不足的个人批评;链接为会变化的评论集合页。

對種族壓迫與權力問題處理不足的個人批評;鏈接為會變化的評論集合頁。

Research & discussion研究与讨论研究與討論

Eric Klinenberg — Libraries ↗

The author’s public discussion of libraries and post-Sandy rebuilding.

作者关于图书馆与桑迪飓风后重建的公开文章。

作者關於圖書館與桑迪颶風後重建的公開文章。

Institutional sources机构资料機構資料

Brooklyn Public Library — Spring 2016 ↗

Contemporary institutional record of Library Lanes and its game equipment.

Library Lanes及其游戏设备的同期机构记录。

Library Lanes及其遊戲設備的同期機構記錄。