Credit ratings · S&P · Decisions in 2007, settlement in 2015信用评级 · 标普 · 2007年的决策与2015年的和解信用評級 · 標普 · 2007年的決策與2015年的和解
Who Questions the People Who Rate Risk?
给风险打分的人,谁来追问?
給風險打分的人,誰來追問?
S&P's agreed statement of facts records the distance between warnings and public action. Expertise can help us judge; its own decisions must remain open to examination.
标普的一份事实声明,留下了预警走向公开行动的具体日期。专家可以帮助我们判断,但什么能让专家自己的决定也被看见?
標普的一份事實聲明,留下了預警走向公開行動的具體日期。專家可以幫助我們判斷,但什麼能讓專家自己的決定也被看見?
There were five days between a surveillance recommendation inside S&P and a committee decision about what to announce. The dates were 7 and 12 February 2007. Reading the company's later agreed statement of facts, that interval becomes more interesting than the familiar observation that experts make mistakes. What happened between noticing a risk and making it available for others to act on?[1]
Some vocabulary helps, but not a whole course in structured finance. Residential mortgage-backed securities, or RMBS, turn payments on pools of home loans into securities. A collateralized debt obligation, or CDO, can organize debt assets, including mortgage-backed securities, into further claims. Tranches have different positions in the allocation of payments and losses. Evaluating one requires attention to the arrangement, not merely counting the assets underneath.[2]
A credit rating offers a comparatively compact assessment of credit risk. It does not guarantee repayment, establish a fair purchase price or promise that a buyer will be available when an investor needs to sell. The SEC's investor bulletin distinguishes those limits expressly. A few letters can be useful without answering every question someone brings to an investment.[3]
This is not a story about why we should stop relying on expertise. Refusing every other person's analysis can leave us more exposed to persuasion, not less. The more difficult question is what reliance should permit: access to reasons, an understanding of uncertainty and a way to examine the judgment without having to become its author.
When an opinion becomes a condition
A rating begins as an assessment. Other institutions can give it a further role. The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations' 2011 report described regulations and institutional requirements that relied on credit grades. In those settings, a judgment could help determine which investments were eligible, rather than simply inform someone considering them.[2]
That is not a claim that every pension fund had to buy AAA securities, or that every downgrade forced every holder to sell immediately. The institution, rule and period matter. The narrower point is sufficient: a limited assessment can acquire consequences through arrangements outside the rating agency. Identifying those arrangements is part of understanding its power.
There are understandable reasons to use a common scale. Requiring each institution to invent its own language for credit risk would be costly and would not guarantee better analysis. A shared measure makes comparison easier. The difficulty begins when the measure silently acquires responsibilities beyond the question it was designed to answer.
If a credit opinion becomes a substitute for assessing an investment as a whole, somebody's judgment has been omitted. Several participants may each say that someone else already checked. That can make a chain of apparently careful procedures remarkably hard to question: where, exactly, was the underlying assessment examined, and who remains responsible for using it here?
Payment introduces another relationship. The Senate investigation identified issuer-paid ratings, market-share pressures, model weaknesses and inadequate surveillance resources among its findings about inaccurate ratings. This was a congressional investigation, not a uniform judicial verdict on every agency or every rating.[2]
An issuer paying for a rating creates a conflict worth addressing. It does not logically establish that each resulting judgment was manipulated. The conflict tells us what to investigate: whether commercial considerations entered analytical decisions, what happened to dissent and how existing assessments responded to new information. A diagnosis of incentives is a reason to look for evidence, not a replacement for it.
From a warning to a public action
On 7 February 2007, surveillance staff recommended public negative watch for subordinate tranches from approximately thirty RMBS transactions, and internal watch for tranches from about twenty more. On 12 February, a committee including new-issue staff decided on public negative watch for eighteen tranches from eleven transactions. These are S&P's agreed facts, not a reconstruction of an imagined meeting.[1]
Transactions and tranches are different counting units; internal watch, public watch and a downgrade are different actions. Keeping them distinct does not soften the question. It makes the difference between a recommendation and a decision identifiable, instead of covering it with a larger but inaccurate claim.
A difference is not inherently improper. A committee might have better information or a well-founded objection to an analyst's proposal. What matters is the reason for the change, who made it and whether the explanation can be examined. The existence of disagreement is not the failure; losing the ability to investigate its resolution would be.
Hindsight needs restraint in both directions. We should not give participants in February the knowledge of the eventual crisis. Nor, once contemporary warnings are documented, should we pretend that every concern arose only afterwards. A fair inquiry returns people to the information available at the time, rather than making them omniscient or conveniently uninformed.
On 10 July, S&P put 612 RMBS classes on negative watch; large-scale downgrades followed on 12 July. Through the 10 July announcement, it had continued issuing or confirming CDO ratings without adjusting existing CDO criteria for anticipated negative RMBS actions. The statement records a connection between two sets of judgments that had not been made in those criteria.[1]
This moves the issue beyond whether a warning reached an outside investor. Where an assessment depends on assets undergoing reassessment, how should the dependent judgment respond? Knowing something in one part of an organization is not enough. The organization needs a way for the knowledge to reach decisions that rely on it, with responsibility for making that connection.
There are real reasons not to alter an assessment at the first sign of trouble. Evidence needs checking, standards need consistency and hurried revisions can produce another kind of error. Delay is not automatically concealment. But needing time is an explanation that can be examined, not an exemption from explaining what happens while the clock runs.
During that interval, what continues to be represented to the public? What limitations accompany the existing opinion? Which dependent assessments are reconsidered, and by whom? These are not demands for perfect foresight. They ask how an institution manages uncertainty it already has reason to recognize. An opinion can remain uncertain without leaving its users unaware of the uncertainty.
The Justice Department announced a $1.375 billion civil settlement with S&P and its parent on 3 February 2015, involving nineteen states and the District of Columbia. It reported S&P's acknowledgment that business concerns affected rating-model decisions. The agreed facts go beyond untested allegations; the resolution was not a criminal conviction, nor does every prosecutorial characterization become a finding after trial.[4]
The scope matters. S&P's statement is not an admission by Moody's or another agency. This episode is not a complete explanation of the financial crisis. Lending decisions, product design, investors' own choices and other institutional conditions do not disappear because one decision chain becomes documented. A case can establish something important without establishing everything.
Not another infallible judge
Replacing the rating provider is an obvious possibility. A different analyst may offer a better assessment. Competition can also mean competing to satisfy the party bringing business. Counting providers will not tell us which kind of competition is occurring. We have to ask what earns the business and what makes an unwelcome judgment sustainable.
Changing who pays is likewise worth examining, but is not a complete answer by itself. The SEC bulletin notes potential conflicts in subscriber-paid arrangements too, arising from investors' positions and trading interests.[3] A different source of revenue changes the relationship; it does not abolish the need to examine influence, access and the ability to seek review.
More immediate questions follow from the documented episode. Was the original recommendation preserved? Was a departure from it explained? Could a decision-maker be questioned by someone whose objective was not winning the next transaction? Were assessments depending on the affected assets reviewed as well? Records can answer such questions without anyone first identifying a person incapable of error.
That is a different ambition from making the public vote on every model. Technical disagreement has substance, and protecting analysis from commercial pressure can itself require considerable expertise. Openness should make reasons more examinable, not allow the loudest objection to dictate a calculation. Asking for a method and the reason it changed is not pretending that every reader can independently rebuild it.
It is also important to distinguish a model's error from interference with its use. An honest assessment may fail because its assumptions are poor. A well-designed procedure can be weakened if inconvenient findings do not reach decisions. The remedies are not identical. Better data will not by itself protect a suppressed objection; a protected objection will not by itself repair a faulty model.
Reviewers need scrutiny in turn. What can they obtain? What time and resources do they have? Can they require a reasoned response, and how can their own mistakes be corrected? Moving a judgment outside the original firm changes its location. It does not remove its dependence on evidence or its responsibility to answer questions about what it does.
Nor should the people using a rating vanish behind the agency's authority. They may reasonably employ a common assessment, but they still decide how much work to ask it to do. Treating a bounded credit opinion as a universal permission is a further decision. The existence of expertise does not make that use inevitable, or relieve its users of explaining it.
For an ordinary reader, the practical lesson need not be suspicion of all professional language. It can be a more discriminating form of reliance. What question does this opinion answer? What has it left outside? What would cause it to change? Which arrangements should be reconsidered if it does? These questions do not make expertise unnecessary. They help keep its usefulness from becoming an excuse to stop thinking.
Those two February dates leave a modest but consequential space in the record: a recommendation inside and a differently scoped action outside. We need not inflate that space into the whole history of the crisis to take it seriously. An institution's authority should not rest only on its ability to judge the world. Its own decisions must leave somewhere for a question to land.
2007年2月7日,一项关于风险的内部建议已经提出;2月12日,公开采取的行动却不是原来建议的范围。读标普后来同意的一份事实声明,这两个日期比一句“专家也会犯错”更让人停下来。问题不只在于最后有没有看准,还在于已经看见的东西,怎样变成了外面的人能够知道的事。[1]
先不必懂所有金融缩写。住宅抵押贷款支持证券(RMBS),把一组住房贷款的还款安排成证券;担保债务凭证(CDO)则可以把包括此类证券在内的债务资产再组织起来。不同档次的证券,对收入和损失承担的先后不同。评价其中一档的风险,不能只看底下有多少笔贷款,还要看这些付款与损失怎样相互关联。[2]
读者之所以会遇到评级,是因为没有人能够低成本地把所有底层资料重新读一遍。几个字母提供了一种比较信用风险的办法。它们不保证一定还本付息,也不回答投资是否值得那个价钱、需要卖出时是否有人接手。SEC 的投资者教育材料特意把这些边界分开。[3]
所以,真正的问题不是人该不该信任专业。完全不用他人的判断,并不自动更独立;它也可能使人只能听最有力的推销。难的是,借助一个专业判断以后,还能不能看见它的根据,知道它何时可能需要改,找到能够回答问题的人。
字母为什么有分量
一个评级本来是在说明一件事:这项债务的信用风险如何。但当其他安排也使用它,几个字母便不只是描述。2011年美国参议院常设调查小组委员会的报告指出,某些法规与机构投资要求依赖信用等级。这让评级可能影响哪些金融产品能够进入特定的投资范围。[2]
这里不能顺手改写成所有基金都必须买 AAA,或者评级一降所有人都会立即被迫卖出。不同机构、规则和时期的要求不一样。值得看到的,是一个具体判断可能被别的规则接过去,变成准入条件;至于它在谁那里产生什么后果,还要继续查。
这种借用有可以理解的理由。让每家机构从头另造一套衡量信用风险的语言,既费钱,也不一定更可靠。共同尺度可以帮助比较,让讨论不至于每次都从零开始。困难不在尺度存在,而在它逐渐承担了多少原本没有写在字母里的工作。
若把一种有限的风险意见,默默当成对一项投资的全面许可,使用者自己的判断便被省掉了。更麻烦的是,几方都可以说自己只是照着别人已经核过的东西办。到了需要解释的时候,却可能没有人回答,究竟是谁检查了那个最初的根据。
还有付费这一面。参议院报告把发行人付费、对市场份额的压力、模型问题与监测资源不足,一起列为其对评级失准的调查发现。这是国会调查的分析,不是法院对每个机构、每一项评级作出的统一判决。[2]
发行一项产品的人支付评级费用,确实形成值得防范的利益冲突。但“有冲突”不是“已经证明每次打分都受操纵”的同义词。它告诉我们应当检查什么:业务关系是否进入了分析决定,提出不同意见的人有无空间,原有评级面对新信息时怎么处理。答案需要记录,而不是只需要一个令人警觉的标签。
已经看到的风险,怎样走到外面
标普的材料给了我们一段可以具体跟读的过程。事实声明记载,2007年2月7日,监测人员建议把约三十笔 RMBS 交易的次级档列入公开的负面评级观察,另约二十笔交易的次级档列入不公开的内部观察。五天后,一个包括新发行部门成员的委员会,决定将十一笔交易中的十八个证券档次列入公开负面观察。[1]
三十笔交易与十八个证券档次,不是同一计数单位;内部观察与公开观察也不是一个状态。尤其,列入负面观察不等于已经降级。把这些差别读准确,不是为了把事情讲小,而是为了不让一句更夸张的话遮住真正可以核对的变化。
建议与最终决定不同,本身并不证明不当。一位分析者可能过早,委员会也可能有需要认真考虑的新资料。我们想知道的是,缩小行动范围所依据的究竟是什么,谁提出了什么理由,以及异议是否留下了能够追查的记录。
不能只拿危机后的结果,要求当时所有人都预知未来。可是一旦发现,当时已经有内部预警,也不能再把一切都解释成事后才知道。合理的检查,应当把人放回那一天可取得的信息里,而不是给他们今天的全知,也不是替他们拿走当时已有的知识。
声明还记载,标普于7月10日将612个 RMBS 证券档次列入负面观察,7月12日宣布大规模降级。在预期 RMBS 将有负面评级行动的那段时期,直至7月10日的公开行动,标普仍为大量以次贷 RMBS 支持的 CDO 出具或确认评级,未调整现有 CDO 评级标准以反映那些预期行动。[1]
这段记录把问题从“外面有没有收到消息”,推进到“内部相关决定有没有接上”。如果一个判断所依据的资产正在受到重新评估,那么依赖这些资产的另一个判断怎样更新?不仅要问某位专家是否有知识,还要问,组织有没有让已有知识进入需要它的地方。
当然,更新本身也需要时间。数据要核查,标准要一致,仓促改变可能制造另一种错误。因此不能把所有延迟都说成掩盖。但需要时间是一种可以解释的理由,不是一张无需说明期限和处理办法的通行证。等待期间,谁得到什么信息,原有结论还怎样被使用,同样需要回答。
2015年2月3日,美国司法部宣布与标普及其母公司达成十三亿七千五百万美元和解,参与者包括十九州与哥伦比亚特区。司法部说明,标普承认评级模型相关决定受到商业考虑影响,并同意一份事实声明。它比尚待证明的起诉主张更进一步,但不能被叫作刑事定罪,也不能把司法部新闻稿的每句评价都改称审判结论。[4]
本篇跟读的是标普的具体记录,不是把同一份声明替其他评级机构也签一遍。这里足以追问一些决定,却不足以承包整个金融危机的解释。放贷、产品组织、持有者自己的选择与其他制度条件,不会因为我们找到了这一段记录,就从历史里消失。
不是另找一个永远不会错的人
读到这里,最容易想到的办法,是换一个打分的人。竞争可能带来不同看法,但也要问,竞争的是什么:能更及时说出不受欢迎的风险,还是能让付费客户更满意?不能只凭机构数量增加,就认定追问的条件也增加了。
换一种付费方式也值得研究,却不该被写成一次结清所有问题的方案。SEC 的教育材料提醒,订阅者付费同样可能带来与持仓和交易意图有关的冲突。[3] 付费者换了,谁有权影响分析、谁能看到方法、谁能推动复查,仍然需要重新设计。
还有更贴近这段历史的检查办法。原来的监测建议是否保存,最后行动与建议不同是否有说明,作决定的人能否受到独立于业务目标的质询,依赖原评级的相关判断有没有同步复查?这些是可以拿记录来回答的问题,不要求先找到一个永远无误的裁判。
这也不等于把每一次模型分歧都交给公众投票。技术工作有自己的难度,保护它免受商业压力,也需要专业知识。公开应当使理由更能被检查,而不是让最响亮的声音随时改掉计算。可以要求说明方法和变更理由,不必假装每个读者都能独自重建全部模型。
对负责复查的人,还要保留同样的耐心。他拿得到什么资料,有多少时间和资源,能要求怎样的回应,自己的错误怎样被纠正?把一个判断移到外部,是改变了它的位置,不是取消了它需要承担的责任。
至于普通读者,从这段历史能带走的,也不只是以后少相信几个字母。一个有用的区别是:借助他人的专业,不等于把所有问题都交出去。一份意见回答了哪一类风险,它不知道什么,它改变以后哪些安排要跟着重看,这些问题可以问,也值得有人回答。
标普案中,那两个二月日期留下了一段小小的距离:内部有人建议采取行动,外部最终看见了另一种范围的行动。我们不必把这段距离夸大成全部历史,才能认真对待它。专业之所以值得信任,不应只是因为它给世界打分,还应因为它自己的决定,也留着可以追问的地方。
2007年2月7日,一項關於風險的內部建議已經提出;2月12日,公開採取的行動卻不是原來建議的範圍。讀標普後來同意的一份事實聲明,這兩個日期比一句「專家也會犯錯」更讓人停下來。問題不只在於最後有沒有看準,還在於已經看見的東西,怎樣變成了外面的人能夠知道的事。[1]
先不必懂所有金融縮寫。住宅抵押貸款支持證券(RMBS),把一組住房貸款的還款安排成證券;擔保債務憑證(CDO)則可以把包括此類證券在內的債務資產再組織起來。不同檔次的證券,對收入和損失承擔的先後不同。評價其中一檔的風險,不能只看底下有多少筆貸款,還要看這些付款與損失怎樣相互關聯。[2]
讀者之所以會遇到評級,是因為沒有人能夠低成本地把所有底層資料重新讀一遍。幾個字母提供了一種比較信用風險的辦法。它們不保證一定還本付息,也不回答投資是否值得那個價錢、需要賣出時是否有人接手。SEC 的投資者教育材料特意把這些邊界分開。[3]
所以,真正的問題不是人該不該信任專業。完全不用他人的判斷,並不自動更獨立;它也可能使人只能聽最有力的推銷。難的是,借助一個專業判斷以後,還能不能看見它的根據,知道它何時可能需要改,找到能夠回答問題的人。
字母為什麼有分量
一個評級本來是在說明一件事:這項債務的信用風險如何。但當其他安排也使用它,幾個字母便不只是描述。2011年美國參議院常設調查小組委員會的報告指出,某些法規與機構投資要求依賴信用等級。這讓評級可能影響哪些金融產品能夠進入特定的投資範圍。[2]
這裡不能順手改寫成所有基金都必須買 AAA,或者評級一降所有人都會立即被迫賣出。不同機構、規則和時期的要求不一樣。值得看到的,是一個具體判斷可能被別的規則接過去,變成準入條件;至於它在誰那裡產生什麼後果,還要繼續查。
這種借用有可以理解的理由。讓每家機構從頭另造一套衡量信用風險的語言,既費錢,也不一定更可靠。共同尺度可以幫助比較,讓討論不至於每次都從零開始。困難不在尺度存在,而在它逐漸承擔了多少原本沒有寫在字母裡的工作。
若把一種有限的風險意見,默默當成對一項投資的全面許可,使用者自己的判斷便被省掉了。更麻煩的是,幾方都可以說自己只是照著別人已經核過的東西辦。到了需要解釋的時候,卻可能沒有人回答,究竟是誰檢查了那個最初的根據。
還有付費這一面。參議院報告把發行人付費、對市場份額的壓力、模型問題與監測資源不足,一起列為其對評級失準的調查發現。這是國會調查的分析,不是法院對每個機構、每一項評級作出的統一判決。[2]
發行一項產品的人支付評級費用,確實形成值得防範的利益衝突。但「有衝突」不是「已經證明每次打分都受操縱」的同義詞。它告訴我們應當檢查什麼:業務關係是否進入了分析決定,提出不同意見的人有無空間,原有評級面對新資訊時怎麼處理。答案需要記錄,而不是只需要一個令人警覺的標籤。
已經看到的風險,怎樣走到外面
標普的材料給了我們一段可以具體跟讀的過程。事實聲明記載,2007年2月7日,監測人員建議把約三十筆 RMBS 交易的次級檔列入公開的負面評級觀察,另約二十筆交易的次級檔列入不公開的內部觀察。五天後,一個包括新發行部門成員的委員會,決定將十一筆交易中的十八個證券檔次列入公開負面觀察。[1]
三十筆交易與十八個證券檔次,不是同一計數單位;內部觀察與公開觀察也不是一個狀態。尤其,列入負面觀察不等於已經降級。把這些差別讀準確,不是為了把事情講小,而是為了不讓一句更誇張的話遮住真正可以核對的變化。
建議與最終決定不同,本身並不證明不當。一位分析者可能過早,委員會也可能有需要認真考慮的新資料。我們想知道的是,縮小行動範圍所依據的究竟是什麼,誰提出了什麼理由,以及異議是否留下了能夠追查的記錄。
不能只拿危機後的結果,要求當時所有人都預知未來。可是一旦發現,當時已經有內部預警,也不能再把一切都解釋成事後才知道。合理的檢查,應當把人放回那一天可取得的資訊裡,而不是給他們今天的全知,也不是替他們拿走當時已有的知識。
聲明還記載,標普於7月10日將612個 RMBS 證券檔次列入負面觀察,7月12日宣佈大規模降級。在預期 RMBS 將有負面評級行動的那段時期,直至7月10日的公開行動,標普仍為大量以次貸 RMBS 支持的 CDO 出具或確認評級,未調整現有 CDO 評級標準以反映那些預期行動。[1]
這段記錄把問題從「外面有沒有收到消息」,推進到「內部相關決定有沒有接上」。如果一個判斷所依據的資產正在受到重新評估,那麼依賴這些資產的另一個判斷怎樣更新?不僅要問某位專家是否有知識,還要問,組織有沒有讓已有知識進入需要它的地方。
當然,更新本身也需要時間。資料要核查,標準要一致,倉促改變可能製造另一種錯誤。因此不能把所有延遲都說成掩蓋。但需要時間是一種可以解釋的理由,不是一張無需說明期限和處理辦法的通行證。等待期間,誰得到什麼資訊,原有結論還怎樣被使用,同樣需要回答。
2015年2月3日,美國司法部宣佈與標普及其母公司達成十三億七千五百萬美元和解,參與者包括十九州與哥倫比亞特區。司法部說明,標普承認評級模型相關決定受到商業考慮影響,並同意一份事實聲明。它比尚待證明的起訴主張更進一步,但不能被叫作刑事定罪,也不能把司法部新聞稿的每句評價都改稱審判結論。[4]
本篇跟讀的是標普的具體記錄,不是把同一份聲明替其他評級機構也簽一遍。這裡足以追問一些決定,卻不足以承包整個金融危機的解釋。放貸、產品組織、持有者自己的選擇與其他制度條件,不會因為我們找到了這一段記錄,就從歷史裡消失。
不是另找一個永遠不會錯的人
讀到這裡,最容易想到的辦法,是換一個打分的人。競爭可能帶來不同看法,但也要問,競爭的是什麼:能更及時說出不受歡迎的風險,還是能讓付費客戶更滿意?不能只憑機構數量增加,就認定追問的條件也增加了。
換一種付費方式也值得研究,卻不該被寫成一次結清所有問題的方案。SEC 的教育材料提醒,訂閱者付費同樣可能帶來與持倉和交易意圖有關的衝突。[3] 付費者換了,誰有權影響分析、誰能看到方法、誰能推動復查,仍然需要重新設計。
還有更貼近這段歷史的檢查辦法。原來的監測建議是否保存,最後行動與建議不同是否有說明,作決定的人能否受到獨立於業務目標的質詢,依賴原評級的相關判斷有沒有同步復查?這些是可以拿記錄來回答的問題,不要求先找到一個永遠無誤的裁判。
這也不等於把每一次模型分歧都交給公眾投票。技術工作有自己的難度,保護它免受商業壓力,也需要專業知識。公開應當使理由更能被檢查,而不是讓最響亮的聲音隨時改掉計算。可以要求說明方法和變更理由,不必假裝每個讀者都能獨自重建全部模型。
對負責復查的人,還要保留同樣的耐心。他拿得到什麼資料,有多少時間和資源,能要求怎樣的回應,自己的錯誤怎樣被糾正?把一個判斷移到外部,是改變了它的位置,不是取消了它需要承擔的責任。
至於普通讀者,從這段歷史能帶走的,也不只是以後少相信幾個字母。一個有用的區別是:借助他人的專業,不等於把所有問題都交出去。一份意見回答了哪一類風險,它不知道什麼,它改變以後哪些安排要跟著重看,這些問題可以問,也值得有人回答。
標普案中,那兩個二月日期留下了一段小小的距離:內部有人建議採取行動,外部最終看見了另一種範圍的行動。我們不必把這段距離誇大成全部歷史,才能認真對待它。專業之所以值得信任,不應只是因為它給世界打分,還應因為它自己的決定,也留著可以追問的地方。
Sources & reading note来源与阅读说明來源與閱讀說明
The historical case concerns 2007 decisions and the 2015 settlement. S&P's agreed facts, the Justice Department's account and the 2011 congressional investigation are distinguished. The statement is not another agency's admission or a complete explanation of the crisis. A 2017 SEC investor bulletin is used only to explain ratings and their limits.
本篇以2007年评级决策和2015年和解为历史范围。标普同意的事实、司法部对案件的解释与2011年国会调查分别归属;不将这份声明套用到其他评级机构,也不以此解释金融危机的全部原因。2017年SEC投资者教育材料仅用于说明评级的含义与局限。
本篇以2007年評級決策和2015年和解為歷史範圍。標普同意的事實、司法部對案件的解釋與2011年國會調查分別歸屬;不將這份聲明套用到其他評級機構,也不以此解釋金融危機的全部原因。2017年SEC投資者教育材料僅用於說明評級的含義與局限。
- S&P's 2015 settlement: agreed Statement of Facts标普2015年和解附件:同意的事实声明標普2015年和解附件:同意的事實聲明
Five pages; especially §§8–9 on February recommendations and decisions, and §§12–14 on July watch, downgrades and CDO criteria. Transactions are not tranches; watch is not a downgrade. The agreement belongs to S&P, not other agencies.
全文五页;重点为第8—9段的2月建议与决定、第12—14段的7月观察、降级及CDO标准。交易不等于证券档次,负面观察不等于降级。这份声明属于标普,不替其他机构作承认。
全文五頁;重點為第8—9段的2月建議與決定、第12—14段的7月觀察、降級及CDO標準。交易不等於證券檔次,負面觀察不等於降級。這份聲明屬於標普,不替其他機構作承認。
- US Senate staff report: Wall Street and the Financial Crisis, 13 April 2011美国参议院调查报告:《华尔街与金融危机》,2011年4月13日美國參議院調查報告:《華爾街與金融危機》,2011年4月13日
See printed pp. 243–248 for products, ratings and their uses, and 273–279 for conflicts and business pressure. A congressional investigative report, not a criminal or civil judgment. Its full account of crisis causation is not adopted here.
参见印刷页243—248的产品、评级及使用背景,273—279的利益冲突与业务压力。作为国会调查报告归属,不当作刑事或民事审判判决;本文不重述其对危机总体因果的全部判断。
參見印刷頁243—248的產品、評級及使用背景,273—279的利益衝突與業務壓力。作為國會調查報告歸屬,不當作刑事或民事審判判決;本文不重述其對危機總體因果的全部判斷。
- SEC investor bulletin: The ABCs of Credit Ratings, 12 October 2017SEC投资者教育:《信用评级ABC》,2017年10月12日SEC投資者教育:《信用評級ABC》,2017年10月12日
Used for ratings' scope, limits and potential conflicts in both payment models. Later educational material, not evidence of what 2007 participants read or followed, and not current legal or individual investment advice.
用于说明评级范围、局限及两种付费模式的潜在冲突。这是后来的教育材料,不是2007年参与者当时已阅读或遵守的证据,也不作为现行法律或个别投资建议。
用於說明評級範圍、局限及兩種付費模式的潛在衝突。這是後來的教育材料,不是2007年參與者當時已閱讀或遵守的證據,也不作為現行法律或個別投資建議。
- Justice Department: S&P's $1.375 billion settlement, 3 February 2015美国司法部:标普十三亿七千五百万美元和解公告,2015年2月3日美國司法部:標普十三億七千五百萬美元和解公告,2015年2月3日
For the settlement's date, amount, parties and the department's account of business concerns affecting model decisions. Prosecutorial characterizations, agreed facts and trial findings remain distinct; the resolution is not a criminal conviction.
用于和解日期、金额、参与方及司法部对商业考虑影响模型决定的说明。区分执法机关评价、双方同意的事实与经审判认定;不把和解称为刑事定罪。
用於和解日期、金額、參與方及司法部對商業考慮影響模型決定的說明。區分執法機關評價、雙方同意的事實與經審判認定;不把和解稱為刑事定罪。
Optional philosophical background ↗可选深读:政治经济学原论文 ↗可選深讀:政治經濟學原論文 ↗ · Questions to bring to the evidence, not a conclusion the evidence must prove.带着问题读证据,不要求证据证明预定结论。帶著問題讀證據,不要求證據證明預定結論。